Chapter 16
Our Responsibilities Toward Imperfect States
Suppose we grant that my proposed punishments for crime are more just than the current penal policies and practices of most states. What should we do to change the current situation?
Primary responsibilities
A Christian's primary responsibility is to know Christ. The Apostle Paul forcefully summarizes this responsibility in Phil. 3:10-11: "I want to know Christ and the power of his resurrection and the fellowship of sharing in his sufferings, becoming like him in his death, and so, some how, to attain to the resurrection from the dead." All the law and the prophets hang on the two commandments, loving God and loving one's neighbor (Matt. 22:40). Both love of God and love of neighbor are renewed through love of Christ and communion with Christ. The Bible says, "For in Christ all the fullness of the Deity lives in bodily form, and you have been given fullness in Christ, who is the head over every power and authority" (Col. 2:9-10). Properly understood, a concentration on knowing Christ in his fullness is not a retreat from the world but an advance toward the fullness of the Origin of the world, the fullness of God himself. Knowing Christ implies not ignoring the world but seeing it for the first time properly, as an area over which Christ rules both as the Creator of the world (John 1:1-4; Col. 1:15-17) and as its redeemer (Col. 1:18-20).
This focus on Christ is necessary not only because it is biblical but also because we need to beware of being swept away by matters of secondary importance. What non-Christians and even many Christians consider important may not always be of primary importance. Politics and economics are the two biggest areas of power by which we move the world and measure our own importance--so the worldly person thinks. But earthly political and economic power are only a shadow of the real power, the power of God's throne, his riches, and his justice. Paul prays that we may have the eyes of our heart enlightened to know "his incomparably great power for us who believe. That power is like the working of his mighty strength, which he exerted in Christ when he raised him from the dead and seated him at his right hand in the heavenly realms, far above all rule and authority, power and dominion, and every title that can be given, not only in the present age but also in the one to come. And God placed all things under his feet and appointed him to be head over everything for the church . . ." (Eph. 1:19-22). Such power is the heritage of every Christian now: "And God raised us up with Christ and seated us with him in the heavenly realms in Christ Jesus" (Eph. 2:6). Through Christ we have been given the power of prayer and the power to wage war "against the powers of this dark world and against the spiritual forces of evil in the heavenly realms" (Eph. 6:12). Our weapons are the weapons of the gospel, namely righteousness, truth, faith, salvation, and the word of God, which we use in conjunction with prayer (Eph. 6:18-20). In the deepest sense, we put on the "armor of light" as we put on the Lord Jesus Christ himself (Rom. 13:12-14).
Hence we must avoid thinking that the kingdom of God is established primarily by means of political or economic power. Jesus counsels us about true economic power, heavenly power, when he says,
Sell your possessions and give to the poor. Provide purses for yourselves that will not wear out, a treasure in heaven that will not be exhausted, where no thief comes near and no moth destroys. For where your treasure is, there your heart will be also. (Luke 12:32-34)
Concerning true political power Jesus points out to Pilate,
My kingdom is not of this world. If it were, my servants would fight to prevent my arrest by the Jews. But now my kingdom is from another place. (John 18:36)
Two errors arise in interpreting passages like these. On the one hand, some dismiss or ignore the passages and devote their hearts merely to earthly politics or economics. Either they end up worshiping power and riches like secularists, or they baptize them and try to establish Christ's heavenly kingdom using earthly, fleshly weapons. On the other hand, some interpret Christ's sayings in a dualistic sense, as a wholesale abandonment of this world. They see in Christ's sayings literal, external rules calling for renunciation of all use of political or economic power whatsoever. But to interpret Jesus as focusing on external prescriptions is to miss the consistent tenor of his teaching and his life. Jesus uses illustrations and rhetorical figures to reveal the essence of godliness at a motivational level. Jesus articulates primarily the heart of the matter, not the external arrangements. In agreement with this viewpoint we find that soldiers and tax collectors are not called on to abandon their tasks but to reform the way in which they do them (Luke 3:12-14). As a general rule the rich are not commanded to give away all their money but to use it wisely and generously for spiritual good (1 Tim. 6:17-19). In short, far from being a renunciation of the world to the devil, Jesus' methods constitute the true means of redeeming the world. The creation itself as well as human beings is to be redeemed, to "be liberated from its bondage to decay and brought into the glorious freedom of the children of God" (Rom. 8:21).
Christians share in Christ's purposes as they come to know Christ and the power of his resurrection and the fellowship of sharing in his sufferings (Phil. 3:10). Paul is willing to bear all kinds of human weakness so that the sufferings and resurrection of Christ may work through him.
But he said to me, "My grace is sufficient for you, for my power is made perfect in weakness." Therefore I will boast all the more gladly about my weaknesses, so that Christ's power may rest on me. That is why, for Christ's sake, I delight in weaknesses, in insults, in hardships, in persecutions, in difficulties. For when I am weak, then I am strong. (2 Cor. 12:9-10)
Christians under persecution, or in prison, or sick, or handicapped, may all share in Paul's experience. Gospel power, the power of Christ, does not favor only those who are strong with human strength. In fact, when we recognize our weakness and humble ourselves before God we are most able to serve.
Because Christ is Lord of all the world (Matt. 28:18; Eph. 1:20-22), whatever we do can be a service to our Lord. "Whatever you do, work at it with all your heart, as working for the Lord, not for men, since you know that you will receive an inheritance from the Lord as a reward. It is the Lord Christ you are serving. Anyone who does wrong will be repaid for his wrong, and there is no favoritism" (Col. 3:23-25). Homemakers, do the dishes, the laundry, and the vacuuming for Christ. Love your husband or wife for the sake of Christ. Be diligent in prayer. Christians need to work hard at whatever tasks they have, and not to think that only political or economic greatness makes their work valuable.
Earthly political responsibilities
Though political responsibilities are not primary, such responsibilities do exist. Christians are to pray that God's will would be done on earth as it is in heaven. We are first of all to strive to do God's will in our own lives. But we are also to pray for his will to be done universally. The state, as I have argued, is a shadow form of the justice of God, and as such it too is obligated to conform to the rule of Christ. Hence Christians must pray in particular that earthly states would conform to God's justice. "I urge, then, first of all, that requests, prayers, intercession and thanksgiving be made for everyone--for kings and all those in authority, that we may live peaceful and quiet lives in all godliness and holiness" (1 Tim. 2:1-2). We are to thank God for the benefits even of imperfect states ("thanksgiving"), but we are also to pray that kings and other state authorities would in all their actions reflect God's justice (1 Pet. 2:14), so that "peaceful and quiet lives" come to those under their rule.
What other political responsibilities do Christians have? First of all, it is clear that private individuals ought not to take penalties into their own hands. Even if the state fails to execute the proper penalty for crime, we may not do so privately ourselves. Paul counsels Christians not to avenge themselves, but to let the Lord do the avenging (Rom. 12:18-21). In the context Paul's command not to avenge is immediately followed by an argument that the state has God-given power to avenge (Rom. 13:4-5). The state acting with God's authority is one means God uses to execute his own vengeance, but special God-ordained authorities are the only people with this responsibility.
May Christians work to cause the political overthrow of a blatantly unjust government? Political revolution is a complex issue that could easily fill a book by itself. Here I can only direct readers to the arguments of John Calvin, with whom I agree.1 According to Calvin, private individuals are never authorized to revolt, but "popular magistrates" have a duty to curb the tyranny of kings.2
In situations of hostile, totalitarian control, the political responsibility of Christians in private life begins and ends with prayer and obedience to God, not men. But what shall we do in countries where Christians are allowed to participate directly in the political process through voting and holding office? All Christians should desire and pray for just government, but their responsibilities differ in detail because of the gifts and the tasks that the Lord has assigned to each one. Some will have politics as their main vocational responsibility. Many others will have other vocations and participate in politics to varying degrees, according to their skills, interests, and their discernment of the Lord's purposes for their use of time (Eph. 5:15-16). We must all avoid the temptation to think that our particular task is the most important or to despise Christians to whom the Lord has given different responsibilities.
In both voting and holding political office Christians have to think about many issues besides the issues of just penalties for crime. For one thing, even if just penalties were specified by the statutes, unjust enforcement, through the prejudices and oppressions of judges, lawyers, or law officers, could result in gross injustices in practice. In addition, many other types of decisions confront legislatures, and on such issues Christians may have definite convictions. Many types of laws may affect the social, economic, and moral well-being of a country, and thus indirectly influence the social conditions exacerbating or inhibiting crime.
Votes must sometimes be cast for political candidates whose views are imperfect, and votes must be cast for political bills whose provisions and laws are imperfect, because the alternative to one particular imperfection is another, worse imperfection. We must beware therefore of judging harshly people who vote in favor of an alternative form of imperfection.
On the question of penalties for crime, we should endeavor to use God's standards for justice when we weigh the issues. To the extent that my proposals in previous chapters (primarily chapters 11-13) embody principles of justice, they are a suitable goal for our legislation. They provide guidance for making some basic decisions about what kind of direction should be taken in revising the present penal system. But even here we must issue some cautions. God wants us not only to attend to his standards but also to be wise about how best to bring about a situation where his standards are more fully reflected on earth.
(1) Thorough-going revision of the penal system can realistically be achieved only if modern societies as a whole change their ways of thinking about crime, punishment, and justice. Currently many Christians disagree with my views. Even if they could be brought to agree, many non-Christians would almost certainly not quickly agree, because they do not respect the biblical basis for my arguments. In the West educational and communications media are currently dominated by a secular humanist framework of thinking, so that changing the patterns of thinking of society as a whole requires much long-range work in a broad spectrum of areas. We must not become discouraged if we do not see quick political victories. We do best to concentrate our energy on knowing Christ, and on the health and multiplication of Christianity generally as described in Eph. 4:7-16.
(2) We must endeavor not to alienate in any unnecessary way those who disagree politically and those who fight against us politically (Rom. 12:17-21). Christians using the spiritual weapons of the gospel and prayer may always have hope for winning over those with whom they disagree. Immediate desires for political victory should not obscure the fact that political opponents are real people with longings and hurts like our own at a fundamental level. Messages and deeds of kindness toward opponents are always appropriate as a manifestation of our desire to do good to all people (Rom. 12:17-21; Gal. 6:10), and may perhaps open a way for sharing the gospel and winning them over.
(3) The most profound transformations occur as the gospel works its way into a whole society. If a large portion of the population has come to be disciples of Christ over a long period of time, the work of the power of Christ on Christians and the broader influence of Christian moral standards even on non-Christians should create a situation in which there is very little crime. Individuals and families that become Christians become "a new creation" (2 Cor 5:17). They find new hope, new motivations, new moral standards, and a new supportive community, the church, to direct them toward productive service to others. The application of Christian principles to society shrivels the familial and social circumstances conducive to crime. Then it will not matter very much in practice what penalties are laid down by the laws of the state. Let us be diligent in working for the discipling of the nations, since such work followed by the second coming of Christ will alone make the present book into a mere technical dispute.
(4) It is possible that states have authority to determine punishments using a good deal of discretion. John Calvin argues that though moral standards are permanent, different states may legitimately differ in the punishments imposed for violation of moral standards.3 This argument deserves careful attention. Calvin supports his argument partly by appealing to the actual diversity of punishments used by various nations in various circumstances, partly by appealing to the necessity for strict measures in time of war, pestilence, or disorders of the state.
I cannot completely agree with such arguments for the following reasons.
(a) Careful study of Mosaic law does show a pattern and a rationale for punishments. Principles of God's justice appear to operate in the determination of what penalties are appropriate. It is natural to think that such general principles of justice extend to modern states.
(b) In a fallen situation states tend to seek totalitarian power. We must beware of loosing the state from being subject to God's standards. The state ought to serve God, not just to do what is right in its own eyes.
(c) Is it possible that a penalty for a moral violation could be unjustly severe or unjustly lenient? I think so. Surely justice enters into the question. And if so, not all penalties are equally appropriate, given a fixed set of societal circumstances. Then we are confronted once again with the unavoidable question of what constitutes a just penalty. My proposals at the very least suggest guidelines as to what is appropriate in "normal" situations.
(d) In some of the abnormal situations that Calvin envisions, such as war and disorders of the state, the very existence or integrity of the state as an institution may be threatened by actions that normally would carry less severe penalties. Now, as I have argued in chapter 12, actions usurping state authority may be punished by severe penalties, even the death penalty for acts threatening actual destruction of the state. Thus some particular types of violation of moral standards might carry unusually severe penalties not because the moral violation in itself deserves the penalty but because the moral violation is accompanied by an additional violation, the violation of state authority.
We can still learn some lessons from Calvin's arguments. The state may indeed have some discretion to introduce extraordinary penalties to meet dangers arising in extraordinary circumstances. The analogy between parental authority and state authority suggests that in both cases mature wisdom must be exercised in dealing with difficult cases. God's own character and the revelation of his justice in the Bible instruct both parents and state on how to be wise in their dealings. Subject to these instructions, both parents and states must be allowed some leeway to adjust themselves in dealing with complexities. But I also believe that the personal, rich, intimate character of parents' relations to their children justifies a much greater amount of discretion in their case than in the case of the state. If the state tries to adjust to too many exceptions or meddles too much and becomes a parent to all its citizens, it smothers their initiative and maturity and creates injustice despite good intentions.
Calvin's survey of the history of punishments has another lesson. It is not as easy for people to agree on just punishment as it is to agree on what is a crime and what is a violation of moral law. Given this history of disagreement, we should all exercise an extra measure of charity toward those who disagree with us.